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Manhood and American Political Culture in the Cold War examines the way in which a cult of toughness shaped the politics of the early cold war. Delving into the cultural origins of this preoccupation with masculinity, Cuordileone shows how the excessive emphasis placed on masculine virility in political life reflected acute mid-twentieth century anxieties about manhood and sexuality as well the ideological imperatives of the cold war. Reading major public figures like Arthur Schlesinger Jr., Adlai Stevenson, J. Edgar Hoover, Joseph McCarthy, Norman Mailer, David Riesman, William Whyte, Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard Nixon and John F. Kennedy as well as many lesser know experts and cultural commentators, Cuordileone reveals how deep anxieties about a decline in American masculinity shaped the political dynamics of the time and inspired a reinvention of the liberal as a cold warrior in the figure of JFK.
- Sales Rank: #1263335 in Books
- Published on: 2004-04-02
- Released on: 2005-05-20
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.02" h x .71" w x 5.98" l, 1.14 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 312 pages
Review
How conspicuous masculinity came to define a successful Democratic candidacy is, in effect, the topic of Manhood and American Political Culture in the Cold War, a solid and judicious historical analysis of public discourse, from the end of the 1940’s until the Vietnam War…Cuordileone has made an invaluable contribution to the political and cultural history of the postwar era. -Stephen J Whitfield, Brandeis University, American Studies
K.A. Cuordileone has written a remarkably timely book exploring how anxieties about gender lay at the core of Cold War thinking. The book is a wonderfully researched, highly engaging investigation of the many ways discourse about masculinity shaped early Cold War ideology. -Robert Griswold, author of Fatherhood in America: A History
In this nuanced but powerful book, Cuordileone explores how concerns about gender, sexuality, and especially manhood transformed the language of American politics, in the process, recasting American liberalism into a pragmatic, fighting faith. Focusing on the years from the onset of the Cold War in the late 1940s, Cuordileone skillfully links politics, cultural history, and social change as she highlights the tensions that still define and plague Americas political culture. -Daniel Horowitz, author of Betty Friedan and the Making of The Feminine Mystique
This book examines the fascinating confluence of fears of communism and of sexual disorder in the early cold war. Its provocative analysis of political rhetoric, popular books, and feature films is a major contribution to the scholarship on cold war political culture. -Kathryn S. Olmsted, author of Red Spy Queen: A Biography of Elizabeth Bentley
...it makes an original and important contribution to the history of Cold War America... -Robert Dean, Eastern Washington University, The Journal of American History
"How conspicuous masculinity came to define a successful Democratic candidacy is, in effect, the topic of Manhood and American Political Culture in the Cold War, a solid and judicious historical analysis of public discourse, from the end of the 1940’s until the Vietnam War…Cuordileone has made an invaluable contribution to the political and cultural history of the postwar era."
--Stephen J Whitfield, Brandeis University
"K.A. Cuordileone has written a remarkably timely book exploring how anxieties about gender lay at the core of Cold War thinking. The book is a wonderfully researched, highly engaging investigation of the many ways discourse about masculinity shaped early Cold War ideology."
-- Robert Griswold, author of Fatherhood in America: A History
"In this nuanced but powerful book, Cuordileone explores how concerns about gender, sexuality, and especially manhood transformed the language of American politics, in the process, recasting American liberalism into a pragmatic, fighting faith. Focusing on the years from the onset of the Cold War in the late 1940s, Cuordileone skillfully links politics, cultural history, and social change as she highlights the tensions that still define and plague America's political culture."
-- Daniel Horowitz, author of Betty Friedan and the Making of "The Feminine Mystique"
"This book examines the fascinating confluence of fears of communism and of sexual disorder in the early cold war. Its provocative analysis of political rhetoric, popular books, and feature films is a major contribution to the scholarship on cold war political culture."
-- Kathryn S. Olmsted, author of Red Spy Queen: A Biography of Elizabeth Bentley
"...it makes an original and important contribution to the history of Cold War America..."
--Robert Dean, Eastern Washington University, The Journal of American History
About the Author
K.A. Cuordileone is Associate Professor of History, New York City College of Technology, The City University of New York.
Most helpful customer reviews
10 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
Masculinity in early cold war America
By Chris
This book explores discourses about masculinity in American life in the early Cold War years. The author provides extensive analysis of examples (from political speeches, movies, popular novels, magazine articles, non-fiction books, etc.)of such discourses.
The author shows how both American liberals and their right wing opponents used gender as a tool. The right wing portrayed liberal Democrats as effete Ivy League educated fops whose lack of hardnosed intelligence had made them sell out to Stalin at Yalta, "lose" China to the Communists, associate with a spy like Alger Hiss, etc. The author shows how Adlai Stevenson, the Democratic Party nominee for president in 52' and 56' against Eisenhower, was an especially favorite target for the right wing. Stevenson was described as an over-educated sissy northeastern aristocrat while men like Nixon and Joe McCarthy were self-made men from humble circumstances, hardened veterans of WWII who would give the Communists no quarter. The New York Daily News wrote that Stevenson had a "fruity" voice. His flowery speeches were ridiculed. Nixon and McCarthy warned that Stevenson, being the sentimental sissy that he was, would go out of his way to appease the Soviets. Also, stories were diligently circulated throughout the political grapevine by J. Edgar Hoover that Stevenson had twice been arrested for homosexual conduct
The right wing engaged in an effort to link homosexuality, along with sexual immorality in general, to liberal Democrats. The 1951 best selling sensationalist "expose" by two conservative journalists called "Washington Confidential" alleged that Washington's Georgetown neighborhood was home to rich liberal homosexuals and other deviants. The journalists painted lurid pictures of rich homosexual liberals residing in Georgetown while participating in drug soaked sex parties, and other decadent activities. During the 1952 election, Joe McCarthy pledged to continue his fight to remove "Communists and sex perverts" from government employment. As a result of McCarthy's congressional testimony, Carmel Offie, a high official of the CIA, was quietly fired for being a homosexual. Liberal politicians were especially on the defensive when it was revealed in February 1950 that 91 individuals had been fired from the State Department because of alleged homosexual conduct.
As far as the use of masculinity by liberals, the author starts off his book with an analysis of Arthur Schlesinger Jr.'s 1949 book "The Vital Center." The essence of Schlesinger's book was an attempt to dissociate the New Deal tradition from the Communist associations of the "Popular Front" alliances of the 1930's."Vital Center" liberals like himself were portrayed by Schlesinger as being the most emotionally mature, clear-headed tough-minded people on the political spectrum. The new liberals, in Schlesinger's eyes, were not sentimental do-gooders but folks unafraid to use violence to confront the Communist menace and who viewed domestic communists as dangerous emotionally stunted malcontents. Liberals also threw McCarthy's demagoguery back in his face. The author writes that the liberal syndicated columnist Drew Pearson secretly had a file of affidavits from males who alleged that they had sexual encounters with McCarthy.The Las Vegas Sun, before the 1952 election, specifically charged McCarthy with being a homosexual. In McCarthy's1954 censure hearings, the Vermont Republican senator Ralph Flanders, implied that McCarthy's relationship with his aides Roy Cohn and David Schine was homosexual in nature.
The author spends some time in the book talking about the issues of conformity and gender roles that arose outside the official political sphere. Prominent authors of the period argued or implied that American men were being emasculated by the culture of the 1950's. Popular novels and Playboy magazine portrayed American males as trapped by the demands placed on them as suburban husbands and fathers.. American men were described as operating under an ethos that stressed cooperation with others, the need to avoid expressing original thought and to conduct themselves in ways that wouldn't offend other people. Over-dominating women were blamed for draining the manhood out of American men by some authors, the science fiction writer Philip Wylie being the most vulgar example. Psychologists argued that emotionally manipulative and over-dotting mothers were creating confusion about gender roles in their sons. Such confusion was leading to a "flight from masculinity," one result of which was homosexuality. The author examines the fixation on the alleged decrease in male respect for proper gender roles in the work of psychologist Robert Lindner, who wrote a novel that was the basis for the movie "Rebel Without A Cause." In that movie, James Dean's character supposedly turned to juvenile delinquency in part because his father was not a strong male role model but a nice guy and a pushover who was controlled by an overbearing wife.
The main text of the book ends with a discussion of the masculine themes projected by the John F. Kennedy administration. Kennedy followed the script laid down by Arthur Schlesinger in the Vital Center and in other writings Kennedy admired. Kennedy's handlers projected him as an intellectual but also a tough nosed militarist unafraid of a showdown with the Soviets. Kennedy and his followers portrayed Eisenhower as a weak old man who was afraid to exercise power-- while Kennedy was young and vibrant and not at all afraid to make decisions and order people around. Kennedy accused Eisenhower of showing indecision as the Soviets built more missiles than the United States. Of course this "missile gap" turned out to be a fraud; the Americans had great superiority in missile development compared to the Soviets. Kennedy and his circle professed to be unsentimental advocates of violence as they pursued their aims in foreign affairs. "Operation Mongoose," the secret campaign of economic sabotage and terror launched by the CIA against Cuba in November 1961, was a prime example of this. They did all they could to separate Democratic liberalism from Adlai Stevenson's undeserved reputation as a weak-kneed appeasing sissy. The author notes that JFK was known to privately make fun of Stevenson's lack of masculinity.
This book is a fine piece of scholarship. It is not a particularly quick read but it is certainly not dry.
4 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Tying Cold War Masculine Discourse to the Invention of Liberal Consumer Choice and the Death of Regionalism's Sacred National
By A.B.
Manhood and American Political Culture in the Cold War by K.A. Cuordileone engages the cultural symbology of cold war politics from approximately 1948 thru 1963. It seeks to situate the origins of masculine rhetorical binaries such as "soft" and "hard" in a milieu of cultural reinvention. To do this, it deploys masculinity to center a framework of inquiry around sexuality and identity. This framework is then applied as an interpretive of Cold War political discourse and change. The text claims that accusations of emasculation helped to reshape liberal politics, forcing it toward an anticommunist center. This ultimately translated into support for interventionist government that cracked down on danger and deviance in private life. Among numerous junctures that the author uses to highlight this is the 1952 presidential race, in which Adlai Stevenson was denounced by mainstream press for "teacup words and a "fruity voice (p. 88)." His decisively anticommunist rhetoric could not overcome his vision of American identity as rooted in "plains," "mountains," and "seas (p. 89)." Indeed, such rhetoric evoked the regionalist art of the New Deal era, in which American identity and the sacred national were constituted of land and laboring people. Cuordileone demonstrates how this rhetoric becomes anachronistic and effeminate, and how the new sacred national of science and industry was inscribed upon on the male body.
American political culture was also a site of intellectual contestation. The author sees this epitomized in the work of Arthur Schlesinger Jr. which she uses to frame the centering of liberalism in a narrative of epiphany and natural political maturation. Such efforts saw New Deal pluralism as a noble naivete and postwar consumerism/individualism/anti-communism as emergent from an adolescence ill-informed about the birds and the bees of the human condition. According to Cuordileone, Schlesinger saw the liberal coming of age as "[rejecting] facile notions of progress and human perfectibility (p. 5)" and instead being informed by a pragmatism that understood "the unconscious dimension of political behavior (p. 26)." Indeed, such rhetoric in political discourse resembles the rhetoric of commodity advertisement which seeks to access the unconscious desires of the citizen consumer.
Cuordileone's analysis hits its stride in connecting the masculinist trappings of Cold War political binaries to changing ideas of the public and of human nature. It devotes an extensive literary survey to the meanings of conformity in the cold war era. The author's consideration of works of popular psychology like David Riseman's The Lonely Crowd help demonstrate the catch-22 of modeling the individual as object in which there is indulgence beneath the surface that constitutes untapped economic expansion. Riseman, who writes about men as they were the only category of agency in his period, divides society into the "other directed" (feminine) man who is presumably the stable employee of a business organization and the "inner directed" man who presumably indulges competitively in commodities like those produced by that organization (p. 120). In a similar paradox, regionalism died because the land became profane, populated by persons of uncertain pathology who could only assure their civility by aligning that indulgence with sanctioned commodity. Yet it is the gendered excision of uncertain pathology that throws that same land into constant redemption. While Cuordileone is not as convincing when she extends her consideration of masculinity to a phenomenon that is particularly liberal, she avoids the trap of simple determinism and supports her core thesis with a broadly considered and intricately synthesized work.
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